Timur Mindich, a businessman and co-owner of the Kvartal 95, has rapidly expanded his influence across Ukraine’s political and economic spheres. From controlling energy enterprises like Energoatom and Centrenergo, to banking influence over Sensbank, and stakes in film and amber businesses, Mindich’s network reaches deeply into state structures.

He maintains long-term partnerships with influential figures such as Mykhailo Tsukerman and Jakob Hartmut, and his activities span both domestic and international companies. Allegations against him include corruption, strategic manipulation of ministerial appointments, and financial misconduct. His role demonstrates the complex web of power and influence in Ukraine today.

Ukrainian MP Yaroslav Zhelezhniak reveals this in an investigative video on his YouTube channel.

” Hi, if there’s a person who has recently made a rapid political career, it doesn’t necessarily mean it will help him — this is Timur Mindich. I mean, he still remains a businessman and co-owner of the Kvartal 95. It’s just that when we started this channel six months ago, few people knew about him. Now this person — well, he’s in all the recognition ratings when it comes to the scandals of the authorities. And accordingly, if you watch us regularly, as I hope you do, and, as I also hope, you’re subscribed, then basically, yes, you’ve already seen so many stories about Mindich in our videos that, as Ukrainska Pravda rightly writes, he… well, he’s in every sphere. I’m convinced that soon we’ll learn even more. But, frankly speaking, we decided to make this video for you to remind you in which areas Mindich is mentioned, where he has interests. And all of this will be, in a way, a mix of our previous episodes. So, I’ll stop talking now — and here we go with this flashback about Mindich and his role in all these processes, just so you remember, and all the people connected to him. It will be useful. And basically, about all his contributions to the Motherland, which we will learn much more about. So, with you is Yaroslav Zhelezhniak, this is the “Zaliznyy Nardep” channel, and today’s video will be like a “remember everything about Mindich.” Let’s go.

Mindich developed as a businessman, as a person connected to Kolomoiskyy, and for a very long time, people who were in the first Honcharuk Cabinet told me that when Kolomoiskyy came to the president on the fourth floor, as soon as any important conversations began, Mindich was sent somewhere to sit and have coffee on the couches outside the office. In other words, he was not influential. Moreover, even in 2019, in his own apartment, when he hosted these meetings about the majoritarian candidates — well, in fact, his role there was insignificant. He just hosted and served tea to those gathered. During these meetings, the fate of all the “Servant of the People” majoritarian candidates before the parliamentary elections was decided. In particular, the fate of Mariyana Bezuhla was approved in that apartment of Mindich.

Yes, sorry, but this is what one of the bathrooms in that very Mindich apartment looks like, where, as we understand or hear, state matters were being decided. And a lot of other things were happening there as well. A golden toilet — that’s something else. It seems to me that someone was very envious, maybe of Pshonka, maybe of Yanukovych, or both at once. But, well, it really does look quite comical.

It was precisely this period, when Kolomoiskyy’s affairs were going terribly, that was probably the star that lifted Mindich. First, Kolomoiskyy partly recorded his own business under Mindich. For example, the “Izumrud” factory, which he effectively seized from the state. After Kolomoiskyy’s arrest in 2023, metamorphoses began with the factory — or rather, with its property: the company whose beneficiary was Kolomoiskyy disappears from the factory’s ownership structure, and Timur Mindich himself steps out as well. The owner of “Izumrud” becomes the company “Alpha Kros,” belonging to a certain Viktoriya Dedyshova. On paper, everything looks clean, as if there are no traces of the oligarch or his close partners. But in phone databases, the new owner of the “Izumrud” factory is most often listed as “Mindich’s lawyer” and “Viktoriya Kvartal Brilianty,” or other enterprises, including amber extraction.

By the way, about amber — an important story. Mindich had very good communication at that time with the governor of Rivne Oblast. This was Vitaliy Koval, whom Mindich later promoted to head of the State Property Fund, and then to Minister of Agrarian Policy, because there was a land bank there. So this is yet another Mindich business.

Well, plus there’s, again, the same story with the film business. He starts being responsible for Marathon — this is the “Rada” TV channel. This year, as last year, 80 million hryvnias were allocated for it — that’s for covering salaries and, basically, everything needed for the staff who actually run the “Rada” channel to work.

But the main money, about 100 million per year, is funneled to another company. This company is called “Kinokit.” We’ve recorded several videos for you referencing Bigus’ investigation. In short, this company is part of Mindich’s orbit.

Then Mindich becomes a major figure: he gets Rostyslav Shurma as deputy of the President’s Office, and again, Mr. Chernyshov moves to head Naftogaz. He brings Herman Halushchenko, the Minister of Energy, under his control. He even gradually gains influence over all state enterprises in the energy sector, and first and foremost, he moves into “Energoatom.” In short, this influence begins to expand.

The corruption news involved investigations, and even suspicions from the National Anti-Corruption Bureau, against the organizer of the transformer theft scheme — well, the procurement of transformers — at “Kharkivoblenergo.” The case was, basically, a standard one in 2021, involving around 130 million hryvnias. But in this investigation, I strongly recommend you follow its continuation, because, as our sources immediately told us, and later — one way or another — sources close to NABU, let’s say, see the organizer of this scheme as a person named Leonid Kharitonovych Mindich. And the name “Mindich” here is not just random. Of course, we could think it’s just a coincidence with another Mindich, the one featured in our investigations, Timur Mindich, co-owner of the 95th Quarter, in whose apartment the president sometimes celebrates his birthday. But here, there’s more to it.

The fact is that this Leonid Kharitonovych, according to our information, is a close relative of Timur Mindich — he is his cousin. And if you look at the address where Timur Mindich is already registered as co-owner of the same Kvartal 95, it is, according to the YouControl portal — thanks again for existing — Husovskogo Street 12/7, apartment 5. And you won’t believe it: but the individual entrepreneur (FOP) Mindich is also registered at the same address.

So, according to open registers, the owner of that apartment is indeed this Leonid Mindich. And believe me, Leonid Mindich has a long-time friend, a companion. Some tell me he was a classmate, others say a fellow student — the details probably don’t matter. He’s just known him for a long time. He is fairly well known in very narrow circles — actually, in very, very narrow circles, even within the political world — Mr. Mykhailo Tsukerman. He is quite well known in the Jewish community, but also known in the financial sphere. And he has a brother. The brother lives abroad. They occasionally meet with Mindich, including in London. And Mr. Tsukerman, especially Mykhailo, is described by my sources as the person responsible for sensitive financial matters in Timur Mindich’s team.

If you want to link them somehow, it’s very easy to do — in a few steps. And if you watch our investigations closely, you’ve probably been able to do it already.

First: Mykhailo Tsukerman once had, and in fact still has, a company. It’s called Delfi or Delfi Capital — there were several of them. Now, if you remember our investigation into “Svitlo M Group,” we mentioned someone in charge of the financial side at Energoatom, Jakob Hartmut. First of all, he worked for Tsukerman. And secondly, I want to show a small excerpt where you’ll see both Mindich with his London company, Mr. Muzhel, whom we mentioned in the OPP scheme and linked as one of Mindich’s people, and the same Jakob Hartmut. Control over Energoatom then passed to another businessman close to the President’s Office — Timur Mindich. And, according to sources, it was precisely through Mindich’s initiative that Hartmut rose in the hierarchy of Energoatom and began overseeing its finances.

But Mr. Jakob has another superpower valuable to us — his biography. It’s through his career path and rise that we can trace almost the entire current network of Mindich’s influence across various state sectors. We are already preparing a separate story about this network, but I’ll show you a small teaser.

Remember, in the investigation into corruption at OPP, we also mentioned another overseer of the state enterprise for Mindich — Oleksandr Muzhel. He is better known as “Frantsuz.” So, Hartmut and Muzhel appear together in one company, “Delphi Ventures Limited,” which is located in London. This is a very direct connection — this is how it can be shown.

And there’s another similar connection: Jakob’s British company, “Harvest Investment Solution Limited.” It somehow shares the same address as another foreign company of Mindich himself — “Meylor Global.” And if you think this is some generic address or a large business center, this is what it actually looks like. As you can understand, such coincidences across London are highly unlikely.

And the sources from Ukrainska Pravda, which I can confirm, I’ll now quote exactly as it appeared in Ukrainska Pravda. According to sources in the American establishment, the FBI is reportedly examining the activities of Mindich and the Tsukermans in the context of money laundering. Here’s how it reads in the Ukrainska Pravda article, so you have the full quote:

“Ukrainska Pravda received information from influential sources in the American establishment that Timur Mindich may become a subject of an official FBI investigation. It may concern money laundering. In the investigation, in addition to Mindich himself, several people and companies are involved. In particular, according to the sources, the focus of American law enforcement includes an offshore company from the British Virgin Islands, a company registered in the UK, and a man with the surname ‘Sugarman,’ which resembles the surname Tsukerman — as mentioned in his investigations by People’s Deputy Yaroslav Zhelezhniak, including regarding corruption at the Odesa Port Plant.”

There is a concrete connection between Mindich’s influence over Sensbank, including the overseer from the President’s Office, Vasyl Veselyy, who was an advisor to the supervisory board and whom Mykhailo Tkach had already removed in the “Karpatnaftokhim” case.

Back in December 2014, the Russian company New Diamond Technology was re-registered under an offshore company in Luxembourg — Mineral Assets Corporation — which was the sole official owner of the laboratory for the past 10 years. The ultimate beneficiaries of the Luxembourg offshore were 50/50: a Russian businessman and developer, the brother of New Diamond Technology’s founder, Teimuraz Khikhinashvili, and the same Ukrainian businessman, Timur Mindich. Officially, according to registers, Mindich only exited this business in December 2024. Just think about it: a businessman close to the president — through 10 years of Russia’s war against Ukraine and three years of full-scale invasion—was still a co-owner of a company in Russia.

Regarding Mindich, out of four ministers, he effectively retains two — Energy Minister Herman Halushchenko and Svitlana Hrynchuk, who became Minister of Energy. Halushchenko, at the last moment, was reassigned — basically solely due to his relationship with the president — to the vacant position of Minister of Justice, which is clearly a reduction of influence, and there’s no other way to interpret it. In this case, the Ministry of Agrarian Policy is passing under Oleksiy Soboleyev, deputy to Yuliya Svyrydenko. And Vitaliy Koval, most likely, won’t return even to the State Property Fund — I heard he refused.

But again, saying that this is a complete loss of all influence wouldn’t be accurate. I am convinced that Mindich still exerts influence. On a scale of seven to ten, his influence has dropped by five — or maybe even four — but nonetheless, in the strategic sectors he was responsible for, he will continue to oversee them in one way or another.

So, let’s talk about these houses. According to my sources, and as Mykhailo Tkach also shows, there is a very high probability that these houses in the Dynasty cottage settlement — fortunately, not the cooperative “Ozero” — were not for random people. They were for people in power. We can even name two: one of these houses was for the Chernyshov family, and another, according to numerous sources, was for Timur Mindich.

Now, guess what speculations are circulating in political circles about the other two houses — one quite large, and the other, well, also not small, to put it mildly, also large. Just another biggest one nearby. There are many guesses.

Mindich’s sphere of interests is quite broad: the banking market, including influence over Sensbank; energy enterprises, including Energoatom, Centrenergo, and other key directions like OPZZh; the land bank; ecology; military production; and many other sectors. I am convinced that NABU must have a lot of interesting materials, and this explains how sensitive this topic has become, prompting the President, understanding all the risks posed by the liquidation of NABU and SAPO, to undertake this special operation.

So, this is not all we have on the channel about Mindich — the most important… oh, I’m sure we’ll have to explain a lot more to you. But if you’re subscribed to our channel, we will definitely continue delivering even more interesting information, including about this prominent gentleman. Goodbye.”